Give me Liberty, or give me death...Patrick Henry

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> On March 20, 1775, the second Virginia convention met in the old frame > parish church of St. John's in Richmond to decide upon a course of action > toward the king. One of the 120 delegates, extremist Patrick Henry, > submitted resolutions which in effect declared war on Great Britain. A > youthful failure at farming and shopkeeping, Henry now 39, had turned to > law and for the past decade had been the leading statesman and orator in > Virginia. > His classic life-or-death speech (which was not recorded on the scene) > occurred on the third day of the session, when, he recalled, "My heart was > hot within me, and while I with my tongue." From his seat in the third pew > on the north side of the narrow auditorium, he arose and delivered his > burning words. For fun take out Great Britain and insert United States. > Also change parliament to congress. (I did, David, it's in the copy. > I hope you realize that, if Patrick Henry had lived in this time, he > would probably have been soooo depressed that he would have > committed government-cide, oops, I meant suicide)...Bob > > Mr. President: It is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of > hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to > the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the > part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are > we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and > having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal > salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am > willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. > > I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of > experience. I know of no way of judgement by the past, I wish to know what > there has been in the conduct of the United States government for the last > ten > years to justify those hopes with which the gentlemen have been pleased to > solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our > petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a > snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. > Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with > those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are > ATF and FBI and the MJTF necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? > Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must > be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. > These are the implements of war and subjugation, the last arguments > to which the administration resorts. > > I ask the gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be > not to force us to submission? Can the gentlemen assign any other possible > motive for it? Has the federal government any enemy in this quarter of the > world, > to call for all this accumulation of agencies and bureaus? No, sir, it has > none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are > sent here to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the government > has been so long forging with unconstiutional laws and executive orders. > And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we > try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last twenty years. Have > we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. > We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it > has been all in vain. > > Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we > find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, > sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be > done, to avert the revolution which is now coming on. We have petitioned, we > have remonstrated, we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before > the fed, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical > hands of the federal government. Our petitions have been slighted; > our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our > supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with > contempt, from the foot of capitol hill. In vain, after these things, may we > indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation? There is no longer any > room for hope. > > If we wish to be free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable > privileges for which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely > to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and > which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object > of our contest shall be obtained---we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we > must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms, and to > the God of hosts, is all that is left us. > > They tell us, sir, that we are weak----unable to cope with so formidable an > adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week or the > next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a government > guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we acquired the means of > effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the > delusive phantom of hope, until our government shall have bound us hand and > foot? Sir, we are not weak, If we make a proper use of those means which > God of nature hath placed in our power. Two Hundred Sixty Five millions > of people, armed in the holy cause of Liberty, and in such a country as > that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our government > can send against us. > > Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God, > who presides over the destines of nations, and who will raise up friends to > fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it > is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. > Besides, sire, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, > it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in > submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be > heard on the plains of Boston or Dallas or Denver or Jackson Hole! The war > is inevitable----and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come! > > It is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. The gentlemen may cry, Peace, > peace! But there is no peace. The war has actually begun! The next gale > that sweeps from Washington will bring to our ears the clash of resounding > arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? Is > life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains > and slavery? > Forbid it, Almighty God. I know not what course others may take, but as > for me, give me liberty or give me death!

-- dagger (dagger@aol.com), March 24, 2000

Answers

We The People
The War Inevitable
By Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775

  N
o man, Mr. President, thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as the abilities, of the very honorable gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining, as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I should speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery. And in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. 

  Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of Hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the British ministry, for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has lately been received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves to be so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation, --the last arguments to which kings resort. 

  I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us into submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. 

  And what have we to oppose them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon that subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty, and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned with contempt at the foot of the throne. 

  In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, -- we must fight! I repeat it, sir, --we must fight! An appeal to arms, and to the God of hosts, is all that is left us. 

  They tell us, sir, that we are weak, --unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of Hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? 

  Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we posess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone: it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery. Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston. The war is inevitable. And let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come! 

  It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace, but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are already in the field. Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!" 



-- Possible Impact (posim@hotmail.com), March 24, 2000.

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